Question: Norway has so far not announced any immediate help to Ukraine in connection with the possible impending Russian aggression. How would you characterize this lack of commitment from Oslo?

Answer: I can only confirm that at this critical moment for Europe and the European security, Ukraine urgently needs new meaningful defensive aid and financial assistance from all its partners. Ukraine values Norway’s consistent political support for its sovereignty and territorial integrity, including Oslo’s alignment with the restrictive measures imposed by the EU against Russia in the framework of the CFSP. When it comes to the practical support, we know that Norway finances a number of projects in Ukraine. At the same time, we have to be realistic in assessing the real impact of projects with the total annual value of some 20 million euros on a 45-million-strong nation that has to resist the aggressor-state with one of the strongest militaries in the world. In addition, not all of the ongoing projects have the same importance from the point of view of meeting the most urgent challenges faced by Ukraine today – some of them are quite valuable, while many of them could be substantially modernized or refocused.

Regrettably, neither after the previous military escalation by Russia last spring, nor since its current large-scale military build-up along the borders of Ukraine, has Kyiv received any offers of new reinforced support from Norway. This policy is of course in strong contrast with what are currently doing most of the closest allies of Norway, such as Canada, Denmark, Great Britain, the Baltic States, the Netherlands, Poland, the United States, and other countries.

Question: Can you give any examples of what other European nations, especially the Nordics have done to help during the past few weeks?

Answer: By now Ukraine has received unprecedented packages of defensive security aid from many NATO Member States. More defensive weapons and equipment are expected to be received in the nearest future. Anti-tank missiles, drones, anti-aircraft missile systems – even if for some this may sound paradoxical at first, all these weapons serve now as instruments of peace. Kyiv is strongly committed to diplomatic talks and dialogue, but more significantly Ukraine can improve its defence capabilities, less Russia will be tempted to scale up its aggression on the European continent. Some of the partners provide to Ukraine non-lethal defensive support such as ambulances, transport vehicles, radios, bulletproof helmets etc. Some other partners are building military hospitals in Ukraine and supplying them with modern medical equipment. On the other hand, today there is also an urgent need to enhance the resilience of the Ukrainian economy, and Ukraine has already received important offers of financial support from the European Union and a number of European countries on bilateral basis.

Regarding the support provided by other Nordics, I invite your readers to look to Denmark. First, recently Copenhagen announced the launch of a new programme in support of the defence sector of Ukraine worth 23 million euros. Second, last January the Danish government decided to provide to Ukraine additional 73 million euros of financial assistance. And last but not least, since the outbreak of the current Russian escalation Denmark has been among the most vocal and proactive partners in displaying its political support and solidarity with Ukraine. The Prime Minister of Denmark made very strong public statements warning Russia about the price to be paid if the Kremlin chooses to further escalate the situation. Danish Minister of Defence visited Ukraine last December, including to sign a bilateral agreement on joint building of naval vessels and other measures aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s maritime potential. Foreign Minister of Denmark paid a visit to Ukraine in January and he also visited a contact line in Donbas to let the Ukrainian people know that they do not stand alone in their fight for freedom and independence. These examples of practical support and these expressions of solidarity with Ukraine are exactly what the interests of peace and security in Europe need the most today.

Question: Could the reason for the lack of support from Norway be fear of negative reactions from Russia?

Answer: I will not speculate about the reasons behind the thinking and decisions of Norwegian policymakers. But I can say with confidence that nothing can be more provocative to Russia than the fear of its bullying and aggressive behaviour. This was convincingly proven by Ukraine’s own experience of dealing with Russia – before 2014 Kyiv was doing everything in order not to provoke Russia’s “reactions” and even accommodate its manipulative concerns. Now both Ukraine and most of our partners understand that this was regarded by Russia only as signs of weakness and invitation to aggression. The Ukrainian Crimea and parts of the Ukrainian Donbas region are currently occupied by Russia to a very large extent because of that failed policy of “engagement” and “appeasement”. Today Estonia has no less reasons to be worried about such “negative reactions”, as well as all other European neighbours of Russia. Yet all these countries realize that if Russia is not deterred from its aggressive plans in relation to Ukraine now and doesn’t meet a strong response from the Euro-Atlantic community, the security situation in Europe will become significantly worse and their own security will be in jeopardy.

Ukraine considers Norway as one of its important partners in Europe. Our bilateral relations are built on solid foundations of shared values and common interests. We have no reason to doubt the sense of responsibility, wisdom and courage of the Norwegian people. Maybe Norway simply needs more time in order to take the right decisions, including on strengthening its practical support to Ukraine.

Question: What specifically would Ukraine need the most at the moment? Weapons/ammunition? Money? Humanitarian supplies?

Answer: Enhanced defence capabilities and increased economic resilience – these are the main priorities for Ukraine as they would be for any country in our current situation. As for the specifics, Kyiv is always open to discuss with our willing partners what is possible and acceptable for them but, at the same time, what will provide an added value to the most urgent needs of Ukraine.

Question: Are you disappointed or surprised that Norway, as a traditional major donor of international aid has been so reluctant to contribute?

Answer: When we tell our Norwegian partners that 20 million euros provided by Norway to finance projects in Ukraine represents only 0,5% of the total annual foreign aid of Norway worldwide or that countries like Columbia, Indonesia or Afghanistan are receiving several times more financial support from Norway than Ukraine, this is not meant to criticize Norway or request more Norwegian resources. This is meant to help to show to the Storting and Norwegian political leadership that Norway has the potential for providing more tangible support to Ukraine. Because most of the Norwegian citizens would agree that what is decided for Norway in Ukraine now is not less important for their interests and the interests of their country than what is decided for Norway in countries on other continents.

Question: What is the main argument for the need to contribute to Ukraine’s defence right now?

Answer: There are three equally compelling groups of such arguments. First, Ukraine as such and Norway’s bilateral relations with Ukraine. Whatever the Kremlin’s propaganda machine is trying to achieve in Norway, including with a “little help” from some Norwegian media, Ukraine is not “a lost part of the Russian empire”. Kyiv’s statehood tradition is much more ancient than that of Moscow. Relations between Ukraine and Norway have more than a thousand-year history dating back to the times of Kyiv Rus and the medieval Norwegian Kingdom when Russia didn’t even exist. Ukraine is the largest by territory and one of the most important by population countries in Europe. Our economic potential is enormous. Ukraine doesn’t ignore its current weaknesses, but is also fully aware of all its strengths. We know that Ukraine is on the right side of history. And of course, Ukraine will forever remember those partners who were our real “friends in need" at this most critical historical moment and those who were just expressing “sympathy and concern”.

Second, the interests of the Euro-Atlantic unity and solidarity. There is this very pertinent Norwegian proverb – ”Når huset brenner må alle være med å slukke”. When a house gets fire, all neighbours come to help with the fire. The current situation is not about Ukraine only – this is about the whole Europe that is under the risk of being put to fire. If Norway agrees to increase its practical support to Ukraine at this critical moment, this increased support – together with provided new contributions of other members of the Euro-Atlantic community – will create a strong synergy and ensure a deterrent effect on Russia and thus, will help to strengthen the European security. This is the very cornerstone of any effective system of collective security.

Third, the security interests of Norway itself. Norway has a direct stake in Ukraine’s resilience. If anybody might question whether this is in line with the interests of Norway to provide more meaningful support to Ukraine, they should be invited to assess thoroughly the consequences for Norway if Russia decides to escalate its aggression. There are all reasons to anticipate the overall deterioration of the security situation in Europe, a much more aggressive policy of Russia in the Baltic region, more serious Russian provocations in the High North, Russia’s increased militarization of the Arctic and more examples of its illegal activities in the region that is so important to Norway. The security situation of Norway will become substantially worse and the resulting costs for Norway will be immeasurably higher than they can be if Norway decides to make a more tangible contribution to supporting Ukraine now.